Having well heated the bulb in his hands, and then introducing its mouth into a vessel in which was a little water, and withdrawing the heat of his hand from the bulb, the water rose in the neck of the bottle more than eleven inches above the level in the vessel, and Galileo employed this principle in the construction of an instrument for measuring heat and cold. Galileo's thermometer, as we have just seen, consisted merely of a glass tube ending in a bulb, the air in which, being partly expelled by heat, was replaced by water from a glass into which the open end of the tube was plunged, and the different degrees of temperature were indicated by the expansion of the air which yet remained in the bulb, so that the scale would be the reverse of that of the thermometer now in use, for the water would stand at the highest level in the coldest weather.
It was, in truth, a barometer also, in consequence of the communication between the tube and external air, although Galileo did not intend it for this purpose, and when he attempted to determine the relative weight of the air, employed a contrivance still more imperfect than this rude barometer would have been. A passage among his posthumous fragments intimates that he subsequently used spirit of wine instead of water. Viviani attributes an improvement of this imperfect instrument, but without specifying its nature, to Ferdinand II.
It was still further improved by Ferdinand's younger brother, Leopold de' Medici, who invented the modern process of expelling all the air from the tube by boiling the spirit of wine in it, and of hermetically sealing the end of the tube, whilst the contained liquid is in this expanded state, which deprived it of its barometrical character, and first made it an accurate thermometer.
The final improvement was the employment of mercury instead of spirit of wine, which is recommended by Lana so early as , on account of its equable expansion. Francofurti, La Cena de le Cenere, Memorie e Lettere di Gal. Modena, Brescia, This period of Galileo's lectureship at Padua derives interest from its including the first notice which we find of his having embraced the doctrines of the Copernican astronomy.
Most of our readers are aware of the principles of the theory of the celestial motions which Copernicus restored; but the number of those who possess much knowledge of the cumbrous and unwieldy system which it superseded is perhaps more limited. The present is not a fit opportunity to enter into many details respecting it; these will find their proper place in the History of Astronomy: but a brief sketch of its leading principles is necessary to render what follows intelligible.
The earth was supposed to be immoveably fixed in the centre of the universe, and immediately surrounding it the atmospheres of air and fire, beyond which the sun, moon, and planets, were thought to be carried round the earth, fixed each to a separate orb or heaven of solid but transparent matter.
Galileo Galilei by James H. MacLachlan - unolotem.cf
The order of distance in which they were supposed to be placed with regard to the central earth was as follows: The Moon, Mercury, Venus, The Sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. It became a question in the ages immediately preceding Copernicus, whether the Sun was not nearer the Earth than Mercury, or at least than Venus; and this question was one on which the astronomical theorists were then chiefly divided. We possess at this time a curious record of a former belief in this arrangement of the Sun and planets, in the order in which the days of the week have been named from them.
According to the dreams of Astrology, each planet was supposed to exert its influence in succession, reckoning from the most distant down to the nearest, over each hour of the twenty-four. The planet which was supposed to predominate over the first hour, gave its name to that day.
Placing the Sun and planets in the following order, and beginning, for instance, with Monday, or the Moon's day; Saturn ruled the second hour of that day, Jupiter the third, and so round till we come again and again to the Moon on the 8th, 15th, and 22d hours; Saturn ruled the 23d, 12 Jupiter the 24th, so that the next day would be the day of Mars, or, as the Saxons translated it, Tuisco's day, or Tuesday.
In this manner the whole week will be found to complete the cycle of the seven planets. The other stars were supposed to be fixed in an outer orb, beyond which were two crystalline spheres, as they were called, and on the outside of all, the primum mobile or first moveable , which sphere was supposed to revolve round the earth in twenty-four hours, and by its friction, or rather, as most of the philosophers of that day chose to term it, by the sort of heavenly influence which it exercised on the interior orbs, to carry them round with a similar motion.
Hence the diversity of day and night. But beside this principal and general motion, each orb was supposed to have one of its own, which was intended to account for the apparent changes of position of the planets with respect to the fixed stars and to each other. This supposition, however, proving insufficient to account for all the irregularities of motion observed, two hypotheses were introduced. They thus acquired the names of Eccentrics or Epicycles, the latter word signifying a circle upon a circle. The whole art of astronomers was then directed towards inventing and combining different eccentric and epicyclical motions, so as to represent with tolerable fidelity the ever varying phenomena of the heavens.
Aristotle had lent his powerful assistance in this, as in other branches of natural philosophy, in enabling the false system to prevail against and obliterate the knowledge of the true, which, as we gather from his own writings, was maintained by some philosophers before his time. Of these ancient opinions, only a few traces now remain, principally preserved in the works of those who were adverse to them.
Archimedes says expressly that Aristarchus of Samos, who lived about B. For they say that fire is in the centre, and that the earth, which, according to them, is one of the stars, occasions the change of day and night by its own motion, with which it is carried about the centre. Some idea of the supererogatory labour entailed upon astronomers by the adoption of the system which places the earth in the centre, may be formed in a popular manner by observing, in passing through a thickly planted wood, in how complicated a manner the relative positions of the trees appear at each step to be continually changing, and by considering the difficulty with which the laws of their apparent motions could be traced, if we were to attempt to refer these changes to a real motion of the trees instead of the traveller.
The apparent complexity in the heavens is still greater than in the case suggested; because, in addition to the earth's motions, with which all the stars appear to be impressed, each of the planets has also a real motion of its own, which of course greatly contributes to perplex and complicate the general appearances. Accordingly the heavens rapidly became, under this system,. Maestlin has given a concise enumeration of the principal orbs which belonged to this theory.
In what manner this multitude of solid and crystalline orbs were secured from injuring or interfering with each other was not very closely inquired into. The reader will cease to expect any very intelligible explanation of this and numberless other difficulties which belong to this unwieldy machinery when he is introduced to the reasoning by which it was upheld. Gerolamo Fracastoro, who lived in the sixteenth century, writes in the following terms, in his work entitled Homocentrica, certainly one of the best productions of the day, in which he endeavours to simplify the necessary apparatus, and to explain all the phenomena as the title of his book implies by concentric spheres round the earth.
For that which is simple, is altogether single, and singleness is of one only nature, and one nature can be the cause of only one effect; and therefore it is altogether impossible that the stars of themselves should move with such variety of motion. And besides, if the stars move by themselves, they either move in an empty space, or in a fluid medium like the air. But there cannot be such a thing as empty space, and if there were such a medium, the motion of the star would occasion condensation and rarefaction in different parts of it, which is the property of corruptible bodies and where they exist some violent motion is going on; but the heavens are incorruptible and are not susceptible of violent motion, and hence, and from many other similar reasons, any one who is not obstinate may satisfy himself that the stars cannot have any independent motion.
Some persons may perhaps think that arguments of this force are unnecessarily dragged from the obscurity to which they are now for the most part happily consigned; but it is essential, in order to set Galileo's character and merits in their true light, to show how low at this 14 time philosophy had fallen.
For we shall form a very inadequate notion of his powers and deserts if we do not contemplate him in the midst of men who, though of undoubted talent and ingenuity, could so far bewilder themselves as to mistake such a string of unmeaning phrases for argument: we must reflect on the difficulty every one experiences in delivering himself from the erroneous impressions of infancy, which will remain stamped upon the imagination in spite of all the efforts of matured reason to erase them, and consider every step of Galileo's course as a triumph over difficulties of a like nature.
We ought to be fully penetrated with this feeling before we sit down to the perusal of his works, every line of which will then increase our admiration of the penetrating acuteness of his invention and unswerving accuracy of his judgment. In almost every page we discover an allusion to some new experiment, or the germ of some new theory; and amid all this wonderful fertility it is rarely indeed that we find the exuberance of his imagination seducing him from the rigid path of philosophical induction.
This is the more remarkable as he was surrounded by friends and contemporaries of a different temperament and much less cautious disposition. A disadvantageous contrast is occasionally furnished even by the sagacious Bacon, who could so far deviate from the sound principles of inductive philosophy, as to write, for instance, in the following strain, bordering upon the worst manner of the Aristotelians:—"Motion in a circle has no limit, and seems to emanate from the appetite of the body, which moves only for the sake of moving, and that it may follow itself and seek its own embraces, and put in action and enjoy its own nature, and exercise its peculiar operation: on the contrary, motion in a straight line seems transitory, and to move towards a limit of cessation or rest, and that it may reach some point, and then put off its motion.
It is with pain that we observe Delambre taking every opportunity, in his admirable History of Astronomy, to undervalue and sneer at Galileo, seemingly for the sake of elevating the character of Kepler, who appears his principal favourite, but whose merit as a philosopher cannot safely be brought into competition with that of his illustrious contemporary. Delambre is especially dissatisfied with Galileo, for taking no notice, in his "System of the World," of the celebrated laws of the planetary motions which Kepler discovered, and which are now inseparably connected with his name.
The analysis of Newton and his successors has now identified those apparently mysterious laws with the general phenomena of motion, and has thus entitled them to an attention of which, before that time, they were scarcely worthy; at any rate not more than is at present the empirical law which includes the distances of all the planets from the sun roughly taken in one algebraical formula.
The observations of Kepler's day were scarcely accurate enough to prove that the relations which he discovered between the distances of the planets from the sun and the periods of their revolutions around him were necessarily to be received as demonstrated truths; and Galileo surely acted most prudently and philosophically in holding himself altogether aloof from Kepler's fanciful devices and numeral concinnities, although, with all the extravagance, they possessed much of the genius of the Platonic reveries, and although it did happen that Galileo, by systematically avoiding them, failed to recognise some important truths.
Galileo probably was thinking of those very laws, when he said of Kepler, "He possesses a bold and free genius, perhaps too much so; but his mode of philosophizing is widely different from mine. In the treatise on the Sphere which bears Galileo's name, and which, if he be indeed the author of it, was composed during the early part of his residence at 15 Padua, he also adopts the Ptolemaic system, placing the earth immoveable in the centre, and adducing against its motion the usual arguments, which in his subsequent writings he ridicules and refutes.
Some doubts have been expressed of its authenticity; but, however this may be, we have it under Galileo's own hand that he taught the Ptolemaic system, in compliance with popular prejudices, for some time after he had privately become a convert to the contrary opinions. In a letter, apparently the first which he wrote to Kepler, dated from Padua, , he says, acknowledging the receipt of Kepler's Mysterium Cosmographicum, "I have as yet read nothing beyond the preface of your book, from which however I catch a glimpse of your meaning, and feel great joy on meeting with so powerful an associate in the pursuit of truth, and consequently such a friend to truth itself, for it is deplorable that there should be so few who care about truth, and who do not persist in their perverse mode of philosophizing; but as this is not the fit time for lamenting the melancholy condition of our times, but for congratulating you on your elegant discoveries in confirmation of the truth, I shall only add a promise to peruse your book dispassionately, and with a conviction that I shall find in it much to admire.
This I shall do the more willingly because many years ago I became a convert to the opinions of Copernicus ,  and by that theory have succeeded in fully explaining many phenomena, which on the contrary hypothesis are altogether inexplicable. I have arranged many arguments and confutations of the opposite opinions, which however I have not yet dared to publish , fearing the fate of our master Copernicus, who, although he has earned immortal fame among a few, yet by an infinite number for so only can the number of fools be measured is exploded and derided.
If there were many such as you, I would venture to publish my speculations; but, since that is not so, I shall take time to consider of it. That extraordinary genius never omitted an opportunity of testifying his admiration of Galileo, although there were not wanting persons envious of their good understanding, who exerted themselves to provoke coolness and quarrel between them. Thus Brutius writes to Kepler in  "Galileo tells me he has written to you, and has got your book, which however he denied to Magini, and I abused him for praising you with too many qualifications.
I know it to be a fact that, both in his lectures, and elsewhere, he is publishing your inventions as his own; but I have taken care, and shall continue to do so, that all this shall redound not to his credit but to yours. Menage asserts this in his observations on Diogen. The commentary contains many authorities well worth consulting. Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie, infers it from its not containing some opinions which Archimedes tells us were held by Aristarchus. A more direct proof may be gathered from the following blunder of the supposed translator.
Astronomers had been long aware that the earth in different parts of her orbit is at different distances from the sun. Roberval wished to claim for Aristarchus the credit of having known this, and introduced into his book, not only the mention of the fact, but an explanation of its cause. Accordingly he makes Aristarchus give a reason "why the sun's apogee or place of greatest distance from the earth must always be at the north summer solstice.
It is however moveable, and, when Aristarchus lived, was nearly half way between the solstices and equinoxes. He therefore would hardly have given a reason for the necessity of a phenomenon of which, if he observed anything on the subject, he must have observed the contrary. The change in the obliquity of the earth's axis to the ecliptic was known in the time of Roberval, and he accordingly has introduced the proper value which it had in Aristarchus's time. Non ergo sunt mera figmenta, quibus extra mentem nihil correspondeat. Galileo's reputation was now rapidly increasing: his lectures were attended by many persons of the highest rank; among whom were the Archduke Ferdinand, afterwards Emperor of Germany, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Princes of Alsace and Mantua.
On the expiration of the first period for which he had been elected professor, he was rechosen for a similar period, with a salary increased to florins. The immediate occasion of this augmentation is said by Fabroni,  to have arisen out of the malice of an ill wisher of Galileo, who, hoping to do him disservice, apprized the senate that he was not married to Marina Gamba, then living with him, and the mother of his son Vincenzo.
Whether or not the senate might consider themselves entitled to inquire into the morality of his private life, it was probably from a wish to mark their sense of the informer's impertinence, that they returned the brief answer, that "if he had a family to provide for, he stood the more in need of an increased stipend. During Galileo's residence at Padua, and, according to Viviani's intimation, towards the thirtieth year of his age, that is to say in , he experienced 16 the first attack of a disease which pressed heavily on him for the rest of his life.
He enjoyed, when a young man, a healthy and vigorous constitution, but chancing to sleep one afternoon near an open window, through which was blowing a current of air cooled artificially by the fall of water, the consequences were most disastrous to him. Others of the party did not even escape so well, but died shortly after committing this imprudence. In , the attention of astronomers was called to the contemplation of a new star, which appeared suddenly with great splendour in the constellation Serpentarius, or Ophiuchus, as it is now more commonly called.
Maestlin, who was one of the earliest to notice it, relates his observations in the following words: "How wonderful is this new star! I am certain that I did not see it before the 29th of September, nor indeed, on account of several cloudy nights, had I a good view till the 6th of October. Now that it is on the other side of the sun, instead of surpassing Jupiter as it did, and almost rivalling Venus, it scarcely matches the Cor Leonis, and hardly surpasses Saturn. It continues however to shine with the same bright and strongly sparkling light, and changes its colours almost with every moment; first tawny, then yellow, presently purple and red, and, when it has risen above the vapours, most frequently white.
There is a tradition of a similar occurrence as early as the times of the Greek astronomer Hipparchus, who is said to have been stimulated by it to the formation of his catalogue of the stars; and only thirty-two years before, in , the same remarkable phenomenon in the constellation Cassiopeia was mainly instrumental in detaching the celebrated Tycho Brahe from the chemical studies, which till then divided his attention with astronomy. Tycho's star disappeared at the end of two years; and at that time Galileo was a child.
On the present occasion, he set himself earnestly to consider the new phenomenon, and embodied the results of his observations in three lectures, which have been unfortunately lost. Only the exordium of the first has been preserved: in this he reproaches his auditors with their general insensibility to the magnificent wonders of creation daily exposed to their view, in no respect less admirable than the new prodigy, to hear an explanation of which they had hurried in crowds to his lecture room.
He showed, from the absence of parallax, that the new star could not be, as the vulgar hypothesis represented, a mere meteor engendered in our atmosphere and nearer the earth than the moon, but must be situated among the most remote heavenly bodies. This was inconceivable to the Aristotelians, whose notions of a perfect, simple, and unchangeable sky were quite at variance with the introduction of any such new body; and we may perhaps consider these lectures as the first public declaration of Galileo's hostility to the old Ptolemaic and Aristotelian astronomy.
In he was reappointed to the lectureship, and his salary a second time increased, being raised to florins. His public lectures were at this period so much thronged that the ordinary place of meeting was found insufficient to contain his auditors, and he was on several occasions obliged to adjourn to the open air,—even from the school of medicine, which was calculated to contain one thousand persons.
About this time he was considerably annoyed by a young Milanese, of the name of Balthasar Capra, who pirated an instrument which Galileo had invented some years before, and had called the geometrical and military compass. The original offender was a German named Simon Mayer, whom we shall meet with afterwards arrogating to himself the merit of one of Galileo's astronomical discoveries; but on this occasion, as soon as he found Galileo disposed to resent the injury done to him, he hastily quitted Italy, leaving his friend Capra to bear alone the shame of the exposure which followed.
The instrument is of simple construction, consisting merely of two straight rulers, connected by a joint; so that they can be set to any required angle. This simple and useful instrument, now called the Sector, is to be found in almost every 17 case of mathematical instruments.
Instead of the trigonometrical and logarithmic lines which are now generally engraved upon it, Galileo's compass merely contained, on one side, three pairs of lines, divided in simple, duplicate, and triplicate proportion, with a fourth pair on which were registered the specific gravities of several of the most common metals. On the other side were lines contrived for assisting to describe any required polygon on a given line; for finding polygons of one kind equal in area to those of another; and a multitude of other similar operations useful to the practical engineer. Unless the instrument, which is now called Gunter's scale, be much altered from what it originally was, it is difficult to understand on what grounds Salusbury charges Gunter with plagiarism from Galileo's Compass.
He declares that he has closely compared the two, and can find no difference between them. The latter consists of two slips of metal pointed at each end, and connected by a pin which, sliding in a groove through both, can be shifted to different positions. Its use is to find proportional lines; for it is obvious that the openings measured by each pair of legs will be in the same proportion in which the slips are divided by the centre. The divisions usually marked on it are calculated for finding the submultiples of straight lines, and the chords of submultiple arcs.
Montucla has mentioned this mistake of one instrument for the other, and charges Voltaire with the more inexcusable error of confounding Galileo's with the Mariner's Compass.
He refers to a treatise by Hulsius for his authority in attributing the Proportional Compass to Burgi, a Swiss astronomer of some celebrity. Horcher also has been styled the inventor; but he did no more than describe its form and application. In the frontispiece of his book is an engraving of this compass exactly similar to those which are now used. The treatise, which is printed by itself at the end of the first volume of the Padua edition of Galileo's works, contains nothing more than the demonstrations belonging to the same operations.
They are quite elementary, and contain little or nothing that was new even at that time. Such an instrument as Galileo's Compass was of much more importance before the grand discovery of logarithms than it can now be considered: however it acquires an additional interest from the value which he himself set on it. In , Capra, at the instigation of Mayer, published as his own invention what he calls the proportional hoop, which is a mere copy of Galileo's instrument. He showed, from the authenticated depositions of workmen, and of those for whom the instruments had been fabricated, that he had devised them as early as the year , and had explained their construction and use both to Balthasar himself and to his father Aurelio Capra, who was then residing in Padua.
He gives, in the same essay, the minutes of a public meeting between himself and Capra, in which he proved, to the satisfaction of the university, that wherever Capra had endeavoured to introduce into his book propositions which were not to be met with in Galileo's, he had fallen into the greatest absurdities, and betrayed the most complete ignorance of his subject. The consequence of this public exposure, and of the report of the famous Fra Paolo Sarpi, to whom the matter had been referred, was a formal prohibition by the university of Capra's publication, and all copies of the book then on hand were seized, and probably destroyed, though Galileo has preserved it from oblivion by incorporating it in his own publication.
Nearly at the same time, , or immediately after, he first turned his attention towards the loadstone, on which our 18 countryman Gilbert had already published his researches, conducted in the true spirit of the inductive method. Very little that is original is to be found in Galileo's works on this subject, except some allusions to his method of arming magnets, in which, as in most of his practical and mechanical operations, he appears to have been singularly successful. Sir Kenelm Digby  asserts, that the magnets armed by Galileo would support twice as great a weight as one of Gilbert's of the same size.
Galileo was well acquainted, as appears from his frequent allusions in different parts of his works, with what Gilbert had done, of whom he says, "I extremely praise, admire, and envy this author;—I think him, moreover, worthy of the greatest praise for the many new and true observations that he has made to the disgrace of so many vain and fabling authors, who write, not from their own knowledge only, but repeat every thing they hear from the foolish vulgar, without attempting to satisfy themselves of the same by experience, perhaps that they may not diminish the size of their books.
Galileo's reputation being now greatly increased, proposals were made to him, in , to return to his original situation at Pisa. He had been in the habit of passing over to Florence during the academic vacation, for the purpose of giving mathematical instruction to the younger members of Ferdinand's family; and Cosmo, who had now succeeded his father as duke of Tuscany, regretted that so masterly a genius had been allowed to leave the university which he naturally should have graced. A few extracts from Galileo's answers to these overtures will serve to show the nature of his situation at Padua, and the manner in which his time was there occupied.
Greater leisure than I have here I doubt if I could meet with elsewhere, so long as I am compelled to support my family from my public and private lectures, nor would I willingly lecture in any other city than this, for several reasons which would be long to mention nevertheless not even the liberty I have here is sufficient, where I am obliged to spend many, and often the best hours of the day at the request of this and that man.
My public duty does not confine me during more than 60 half hours in the year, and even that not so strictly but that I may, on occasion of any business, contrive to get some vacant days; the rest of my time is absolutely at my own disposal; but because my private lectures and domestic pupils are a great hindrance and interruption of my studies, I wish to live entirely exempt from the former, and in great measure from the latter: for if I am to return to my native country, I should wish the first object of his Serene Highness to be, that leisure and opportunity should be given me to complete my works without employing myself in lecturing.
I have also different treatises on natural subjects; On sound and speech; On light and colours; On the tide; On the composition of continuous quantity; On the 19 motions of animals;—And others besides. I also wish to reprint the 'Use of my Geometrical Compass,' which is dedicated to his highness, and which is no longer to be met with; for this instrument has experienced such favour from the public, that in fact no other instruments of this kind are now made, and I know that up to this time several thousands of mine have been made.
Finally, on the title and profession of my service, I should wish that to the name of Mathematician, his highness would add that of Philosopher, as I profess to have studied a greater number of years in philosophy than months in pure mathematics; and how I have profited by it, and if I can or ought to deserve this title, I may let their highnesses see as often as it shall please them to give me an opportunity of discussing such subjects in their presence with those who are most esteemed in this knowledge. Many of the treatises which Galileo here mentions, as well as another on dialling, have been irrecoverably lost, through the superstitious weakness of some of his relations, who after his death suffered the family confessor to examine his papers, and to destroy whatever seemed to him objectionable; a portion which, according to the notions then prevalent, was like to comprise the most valuable part of the papers submitted to this expurgation.
It is also supposed that many were burnt by his infatuated grandson Cosimo, who conceived he was thus offering a proper and pious sacrifice before devoting himself to the life of a missionary. A Treatise on Fortification, by Galileo, was found in , and is contained among the documents published by Venturi.
Galileo does not profess in it to give much original matter, but to lay before his readers a compendium of the most approved principles then already known. It has been supposed that Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden attended Galileo's lectures on this subject, whilst in Italy; but the fact is not satisfactorily ascertained. Galileo himself mentions a Prince Gustavus of Sweden to whom he gave instruction in mathematics, but the dates cannot well be made to agree. The question deserves notice only from its having been made the subject of controversy. The loss of Galileo's Essay on Continuous Quantity is particularly to be regretted, as it would be highly interesting to see how far he succeeded in methodizing his thoughts on this important topic.
It is to his pupil Cavalieri who refused to publish his book so long as he hoped to see Galileo's printed that we owe "The Method of Indivisibles," which is universally recognized as one of the first germs of the powerful methods of modern analysis. Throughout Galileo's works we find many indications of his having thought much on the subject, but his remarks are vague, and bear little, if at all, on the application of the method.
To this the chief part of Cavalieri's book is devoted, though he was not so entirely regardless of the principles on which his method of measuring spaces is founded, as he is sometimes represented. This method consisted in considering lines as made up of an infinite number of points, surfaces in like manner as composed of lines, and solids of surfaces; but there is an observation at the beginning of the 7th book, which shews clearly that Cavalieri had taken a much more profound view of the subject than is implied in this superficial exposition, and had approached very closely to the apparently more exact theories of his successors.
Anticipating the objections to his hypothesis, he argues, that "there is no necessity to suppose the continuous quantities made up of these indivisible parts, but only that they will observe the same ratios as those parts do. He discovers that the Milky Way is made of stars, and that the moon has mountains. His genius lay in the way he approached scientific problems. He reduced problems to simple terms on the basis of experience and common-sense logic. Then he analyzed and resolved the problems according to simple mathematical descriptions, opening the way for the development of modern mathematical physics.
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This book helps inspire kids to be inventors and scientists, as well as persevere with their own ideas. Activities allow children to try Edison's experiments themselves, with activities such as making a puppet dance using static electricity, manufacturing a switch for electric current, constructing a telegraph machine, manipulating sound waves, building an electrical circuit to test for conductors and insulators, making a zoetrope, and testing a dandelion for latex.
In addition to his inventions and experiments, the book explores Edison's life outside of science, including his relationship with inventor Nikola Tesla, his rivalry with George Westinghouse, and his friendship with Henry Ford. A time line, glossary, and lists of supply sources, places to visit, and websites for further exploration complement this activity book.
Published Jan The heroic struggles of the thousands of slaves who sought freedom through the Underground Railroad are vividly portrayed in this powerful activity book, as are the abolitionists, free blacks, and former slaves who helped them along the way. The text includes 80 compelling firsthand narratives from escaped slaves and abolitionists and 30 biographies of "passengers," "conductors," and "stationmasters," such as Harriet Tubman, William Still, and Levi and Catherine Coffin. Interactive activities that teach readers how to navigate by the North Star, write and decode a secret message, and build a simple lantern bring the period to life.
A time line, reading list, glossary, and listing of web sites for further exploration complete this activity book. The Underground Railroad for Kids is an inspiring story of brave people compelled to act in the face of injustice, risking their livelihoods, their families, and their lives in the name of freedom. Published Sep Drawing on the natural folk art tendencies of children, who love to collect buttons, bottle caps, shells, and Popsicle sticks to create beautiful, imperfect art, this activity guide teaches kids about the history of this organic art and offers inspiration for them to create their own masterpieces.
The full breadth of American folk art is surveyed, including painting, sculpture, decorative arts, and textiles from the 17th century through today.
Making bubblegum wrapper chains, rag dolls, bottle cap sculptures, decoupage boxes, and folk paintings are just a few of the activities designed to bring out the artist in every child. Along the way kids learn about the lives of Americans throughout history and their casual relationships to everyday art as they cut stencils, sew needlepoint samplers, draw calligraphy birds, and design quilts. Important folk artists such as the last surviving Shakers, the legendary Grandma Moses, and the Reverend Howard Finster are also explored in sidebars throughout the book.
Published Oct This lively and comprehensive activity book teaches young readers everything they need to know about the nation's highest court. Organized around keystones of the Constitution—including free speech, freedom of religion, civil rights, criminal justice, and property rights—the book juxtaposes historical cases with similar current cases.
Presented with opinions from both sides of the court cases, readers can make up their own minds on where they stand on the important issues that have evolved in the Court over the past years. Interviews with prominent politicians, high-court lawyers, and those involved with landmark decisions—including Ralph Nader, Rudolph Giuliani, Mario Cuomo, and Arlen Specter—show the personal impact and far-reaching consequences of the decisions.
Fourteen engaging classroom-oriented activities involving violations of civil rights, exercises of free speech, and selecting a classroom Supreme Court bring the issues and cases to life. The first 15 amendments to the Constitution and a glossary of legal terms are also included. Additionally, his life in science is also highlighted, from his book Experiments and Observations on Electricity to his proof a year later that lightning was an electrical discharge.
Activities range from designing and printing an almanac cover and playing a simple glass armonica a Franklin invention to experimenting with static electricity and building a barometer.
Related History for Kids: The Illustrated Life of Galileo Galilei
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